Widely believed falsehoods erode the cohesion and resilience of societies and can threaten the national security of the United States and its allies. Unfortunately, as a new administration arrives in Washington, elite opinion on what to do about America’s social-media swamps and general epistemic disorder resembles a national-security debate that includes only warmongers and appeasers. The United States needs to adopt a pragmatic deterrence strategy instead.
The disinformation fighters, who are mainly on the Left, want to continue a frontal assault on the falsehoods of their choice. As warmongers tend to do, they highlight their enemy’s worst behaviours—such as election denial—while ignoring the war’s innocent casualties. If scepticism about climate catastrophes, pandemic lockdowns, and the latest progressive crusades is censored along the way, well, that’s just what happens in a righteous war. This anti-disinformation crowd bemoans the recent shuttering of fact-checking and content-moderation efforts at some social-media platforms and the disappearance of the shadowy “Global Engagement Center” (GEC) at the US Department of State. Yet those one-sided schemes only deepened popular suspicions of platform bias and government censorship, with no offsetting enlightenment.
The free-speech pacifists, meanwhile, who are mainly on the Right, believe that utopia is at hand following a Trump administration Executive Order “ending federal censorship.” As appeasers tend to do, they downplay manifest threats—including virulent conspiracy theories, fabrications about world events, and millions of bespoke realities. They act as though free speech, like peace for a traditional pacifist, comes with no cost. This crowd has welcomed the recent retreat of cancel culture and performative progressivism but ignores the causes of such pathologies. The online silos that gave rise to beliefs in sex selection by children and systemic racism are as alive and well as those that push killer vaccines and a Great Replacement. Fresh lies will continue to emerge, for every taste, and cause more indiscriminate harm.
To some extent, they always have. Humankind’s propensity to believe convenient, blood-stirring fiction is as old and strong as our propensity for war—and these go hand in hand. No cave-dweller fact-checked false claims about the tribe over the hill or defended its free-speech rights, which made it easier to whip up an assault on them. To humanity’s credit, however, when the risks of war finally became existential with the invention of nuclear weapons, we found a way of avoiding catastrophe. It’s called deterrence. Today’s information threats are reaching the nuclear threshold. The rise of artificial intelligence and virtual reality tools alongside social media will vastly increase the pervasiveness and potential impact of false information.
Last year’s experimental rollout of Google’s Gemini AI model offered an almost comical warning of what to expect: pervasive ideological biases on the issues of the moment and the lessons of history alike, with fabricated images tossed in for ostensible diversity. More recently, China’s DeepSeek AI stunned observers with its technical performance but failed truth tests on hundreds of questions just as spectacularly. In a doom loop for truthful information, AI will also supercharge the creation of new “content” by anyone so inclined—accuracy be damned—in the digital substrate that Large Language Models (LLMs) mine for their “answers.” The connection between what we imagine learning on our online wanderings and what is real or true may fray to its breaking point.
Already, truth-seeking institutions such as objective journalism, peer review, and the scientific method are teetering; government is a dysfunctional cacophony; and America hedges its national-security policies to placate hoodwinked domestic mobs. Contrary to the disinformation fighters’ allegations, the behaviours and effects are mirrored between the dominant tribes. The American Left disrupts campuses and imperils support for Israel with fabricated notions of an Israeli genocide. The American Right stokes isolationism and imperils support for Ukraine with fabricated notions of Ukrainian aggression or cultural decadence. And those who still know better in both tribes stay mostly silent.
A war on disinformation or a naïve faith in free speech will not change this situation, but a three-pronged deterrence strategy might. Americans must anticipate the threats, prepare defences, and communicate our limits.
Anticipation of information threats means identifying and tracking narratives as if they were missiles. Narratives are hybrid blends of dogma, unsupported assertions, and half-truths. Some of today’s online narratives disappear quickly while others catch tribal waves that swamp companies, governments, and entire societies. Fortunately, it is getting easier to see the waves coming and to tell the ripples from the tsunamis. Young companies like Cyabra, EdgeTheory, and Pendulum Intelligence aim to provide “narrative intelligence.” These new tools don’t set ideological, national, or partisan boundaries around what they track; a missile is a missile. Such genericisation of narratives could finally replace tribal defensiveness with clinical sobriety—and allow a tracking infrastructure in the US to gain footing and transcend administrations.
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I can’t agree. It’s not naive to believe in free speech. The antidote to misinformation is more speech, with evidence and reasoning showing why the original speech was wrong - not censoring the original speech.
I agree that focusing on facts and reality is good, but the problem is that sometimes the truth is unknown, or unknowable. Sometime scientific evidence is open to interpretation, or has been manipulated. Sometimes people don’t agree on the definitions of words. No matter what standard you try to use, some set of humans with their own opinions, biases, and motivations has to decide what is “true”. Who gets to decide?